How sleepy Finland could tear apart the euro project
By Mehreen Khan
18 Apr 2015
Finland is the unlikely stage for the latest turn in Greece’s interminable eurozone drama this weekend.
With events having
decamped temporarily to Washington DC, Athens will be keeping half an eye on developments in Helsinki, where the Nordic state of just 5.4m people heads for the polls on Sunday.
In the five years since Greece’s financial woes were revealed to the world, it has been sleepy Finland which has emerged as the most trenchant critic of European largesse to the indebted Mediterranean.
The outcome of the country’s general election could now determine Greece’s future in the monetary union
Getting tough on the Greeks
In a leaked memo seen last month, it was revealed that the Finns had already begun drawing up contingency plans in the wake of a Greek exit from the euro.
Although ostensibly a sensible measure for any finance ministry to contemplate, the revelation confirmed the Finns' position as the most uncompromising of the EU’s creditor nations.
The reputation is well-deserved.
At the height of Greece’s bail-out drama in 2011, Helsinki managed to negotiate an
unprecedented bilateral arrangement with Athens, where it received €1bn in collateral in return for support for its rescue deal.
A year later, the Finns became prime candidates to become the first dissenters to voluntarily break the sanctity of the monetary union. “We have to be prepared,” the country’s then foreign minister
told the Telegraph three years ago.
Greece's current impasse is also thought to be partly a result of Finnish objections.
Helsinki was reportedly the main obstacle to securing a prolonged extension of Greece's bail-out programme under the previous Athens government late last year. The eventual compromise of a three-month, rather than six-month reprieve, has seen Athens scramble desperately for cash since February.
The country's central bank governor, Erkki Liikanen is one of many top officials who has eschewed high-minded rhetoric about European unity, to insist creditors should be ready to pull the plug on the obstinate Greeks.
Strangled by the euro
But unlike its fellow creditor bloc partner Germany, Finland is more economic laggard than European powerhouse.
Having been mired in three consecutive years of recession, the country heads to the polls with economic output still 5pc below its pre-crisis levels.
Finland has suffered an economic downturn of almost Greek proportions. The boon from oil prices and launch of eurozone QE will still only see the economy expand at a paltry 0.8pc this year, worse only to Italy and Cyprus.
Stagnating growth saw Finland stripped of its much coveted Triple-A sovereign debt rating from Standard & Poor’s last year. The International Monetary Fund now recommends a cocktail of structural reforms and fiscal consolidation that would make officials in Athens bristle.
"There is no sympathy for Greece any more, especially because our own economy is struggling," says Jan von Gerich, strategist at Nordea bank in Helsinki.
"If there was a refrerendum on bail-out deal tomorrow, it would fail."
The tale of the Finnish economy proves competitiveness is not merely the plague of the southern European economies.
At the heart of the country's woes are stifling wage costs, which have risen by 20pc as the crisis-hit countries of the south have been forced to slash their labour costs.
Unemployment has shot up to nearly 9pc, while the country’s debt and deficit levels will both fall foul of euro-area limits this year.
Much like its fellow northern counterparts, Finland has also fallen into a demographic trap. It is now the fastest ageing country in the world, topping Japan in the race to get old.
Weak productivity, an ageing population, all trapped in the strictures of a monetary union, make Finland a microcosm for much of Europe' woes, says Karl Whelan, a professor of Economics at University College Dublin.
“The future for growth in Europe appears to be Finnish”
says Mr Whelan.
The euro has also robbed the economy of the freedom to devalue its currency - the tried and tested instrument the Finns have used to extricate themselves from the midsts of their deepest depressions.
The Finns were one of the first economies to follow Britain’s lead and abandon the inter-war Gold Standard in 1931. They also moved to a free floating exchange rate at their height of a banking crisis and deep recession in the following the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 90s. In the aftermath of both episodes, the country was able to get back on its feet through reflationary export-led booms.
Faced with political and economic crisis in its eastern neighbour Russia, the country’s current and likely outgoing premier Alexander Stubb, has bemoaned a “lost decade” under the monetary union.
Blocking another bail-out
The run up to its last elections saw the unprecedented rise of the
eurosceptic True Finns, who were ostracised from the coalition-making process for their fierce resistance to Greek aid.
This time round, the party - which has been re-branded as just The Finns - has taken a more subdued approach, refusing to categorically state it would block a new debt deal in a bid to make themselves more palatable to any future coalition partner.
Unprecedented among left-leaning parties in Europe, and a sign of the Finns deep resentment towards euro bail-out, the country’s Social Democrats now lead the charge against a third Greek bail-out.
But it is The Centre Party who are on course to become the largest party in the parliament. The race for second place will be fought over by the Social Democrats and The Finns. Whatever the outcome, the position of finance minister will be occupied by the head of the junior coalition party.
And should Greece need a third bail-out this summer, as the parlous state of its finances suggests, then it is a near certainty that the Finns will stand ready to throw sand in the wheels of a fresh agreement, says Moritz Kraemer, chief rating’s officer at Standard & Poor's.
“The Finns will have a very conservative line as before,” says Mr Kraemer.
“They want stringent conditions attached to any bail-out deal and could be put the test very quickly when the new parliament gathers at the end of the month. They might have something to vote on regarding Greece very soon.”
Any insistence on a preferential 2011-style deal for the Finns could also quickly raise its ugly head.
Unlike its first rescue deals for bankrupt economies at the height of the crisis, the eurozone now as a rescue mechanism in place through its European Stability Fund. Brussels will be far less willing to allow the Finns to be given any kind preferential creditor status over the rest of the eurozone, adds Mr Kraemer.
“The eurozone now has a structured bail-out system with clear rules, and it will be communicated to the Finns that they have to play by the rules,” says Mr Kraemer.
But the nature of rescue mechanisms still gives disproportionate veto power to individual member states, says Mr von Gerich.
"Even the European Stability Mechanism needs unanimity among all member states unless there are really exceptional circumstances," he says.
The only saving grace for the detonation of another political crisis in the eurozone, is that Athens shows no signs of completing its existing bail-out, let alone agreeing a new deal.
"This is all for the day after tomorrow" says Mr Kraemer. "The task at hand is still to get Greece through to June, before anything new can be negotiated."
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/...inland-could-tear-apart-the-euro-project.html